2013 FSP of English Existential Sentences Department of English and American Studies

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Masaryk University Faculty of Arts

Department of English and American Studies

English Language and Literature

Be. Kateřina Velká

FSP of English Existential Sentences

Masters Diploma Thesis

Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Jana Chamonikolasovä, Ph.D.

2013

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/ declare that I have worked on this thesis independently, using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography.

Author's signature

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I would like to thank my supervisor for priceless pieces of advice, her patience and kindness.

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The theoretical background is offered in Chapters 2 - 5 . The author relies on established grammarians and linguists when supplying individual theoretical bases. The most influential authors studied, cited and paraphrased in the thesis are, in an order of appearance: Quirk et al. (1985) and their comprehensive grammar book A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language; then Breivik's (1983) exhaustive monograph Existential THERE; as well as Dušková's (2006) Mluvnice současné angličtiny na pozadí češtiny; also Chamonikolasova's (2007) Intonation in English and Czech Dialogues with concise ideas about FSP theory;

and, lastly but most significantly Firbas' (1992) thorough study of Functional Sentence Perspective in Written and Spoken Communication.

The present thesis opens with Chapter 2 that focuses on general notions concerning the English existential sentences. Differences with regular declarative

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sentence structures will be outlined, which will serve as an introduction into the study of English existential sentences.

The following chapter, Chapter 3, the centre of attention will be the

syntactic description of English existential sentences. In the subchapter 3.1, special focus will be aimed at the role of the existential particle there. Since it resembles a locative adverbial in form, differences in use of existential there and the locative there and will be shed light upon. The next topic that will be discussed in

subchapter 3.2 is the grammatical function of the there particle, i.e. how its

presence can influence the subject-verb concord; how does its syntactic role of an 'empty/dummy' subject influence its relation to the 'notional' subject. The last subchapter 3.3 will deal with verbs that enter the existential t/jere-construction.

Chapter 4 will be dedicated to the semantic variation among the English existential sentences. This chapter, depending on Dušková's (2006: 353-355) findings, will offer an overview of semantic categories. According to her grammar book, Dušková (2006: 353-355)claims that there are four types of English

existential sentences; namely Existential type, Existential-locative type,

Action/Perception type and, last but not least, Modal type. Theoretical basis and example sentences illustrating all four types will be offered in corresponding subchapters of Chapter 4, where each type will be characterized individually so as to avoid confusion.

The subsequent chapter, Chapter 5, will familiarize the reader with the theory of Functional Sentence Perspective (FSP). Firstly, background information on the development of preceding theories by Weil and Mathesius will be

presented. Further on, the delimitation of Firbasian terminology will follow.

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Especially, terms such as communicative dynamism (CD), degree of CD,

communicative units, thematic and non-thematic layer, theme - transition - rheme and context (in)dependence will be outlined. Based on the knowledge of

terminology, factors that influence the distribution of CD will be introduced in subchapter 5.3. In this subchapter, the reader will be offered information about dynamic semantic scales, namely Presentational Scale, Quality Scale and Extended Presentational Scale, and about main characteristic features of each scale.

The analytical part of the thesis will start in Chapter 6. The description of the corpus will be shown, stating that the corpus is a compilation of 250 English existential sentences with the employment of the t/jere-construction. The

existential sentences were collected from the Nobel-prize-winning novel Lord of the Flies written by William Golding. Similarly, a compilation of Czech translations of the English existential sentences is paired with the English originals. After the corpus description, section devoted to methodology will be added. Starting with subchapter 6.3, the actual analysis of the FSP of English existential sentences commences. The analysis itself will be divided into three subchapters that will correspond with the dynamic semantic scales, i.e. into subchapters dealing with Presentational Scale, Quality Scale as well as Extended Presentational Scale.

Conclusions based on the outcomes of the analysis will be drawn within Chapter 7. The main goal of the present thesis is to offer a self-contained study of English existential sentences with special attention to its syntactic, semantic, as well as functional level. The general conclusion should acquaint the reader with typical features of English existential sentences within the FSP theory.

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2) English existential sentences

In the English language, sentences are organized in clause patterns. In English, common clause patterns consist of a number of sentence elements,

namely: subjects (S), verbs (V), objects (0), complements (C) and adverbials (A). As far as complements and adverbials are concerned, they are more peripheral

sentence elements. For complements, this means that they frequently occur in a sentence-final position. The position of adverbials is even more variable as they can appear sentence-initially, -medially or -finally. Moreover, there are clause patterns in which complements and adverbials need not occur at all. Having stated this, it follows that the basic clause pattern in English is commonly described as the SVO pattern. What is important to mention is that most English sentences comply with the SVO structure, unless other sentence elements, e.g. complement and/or adverbial, are added to the pattern. Since English is a fixed word order language, the SVO sequence is followed in regular declarative way of

communication, i.e. when stating facts, with no special attention drawn to any part of the sentence (Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svartvik, 1985: 49-51). Nonetheless, an exception to the declarative way of communication with the SVO pattern is represented by English existential sentences.

English existential sentences represent the type of sentences with a word order that does not fully conform to the word order of the basic clause pattern, i.e.

SVO pattern. Biber, Johansson, Leech, Conrad & Finegan (1999: 943) add that existential sentences are employed when the speaker is saying that a phenomenon exists, or when mentioning the presence or occurrence (but also non-presence and non-occurrence) of a phenomenon. Quirk et al. (1985: 1403) explain that English

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existential sentences are marked by the employment of a 't/jere-construction', i.e.

as including a there+be structure. According to Alexander (1988: 194), "the construction with there allows important new information to come at the end of the sentence for emphasis".

Having introduced the purpose of English existential sentences, more information about its structure must follow.

3) Syntactic description of English existential sentences

The present chapter deals with a characterization of English existential sentences from the syntactic point of view. Basic knowledge concerning existential sentences is revised and other information focusing particularly on the existential particle there ensues.

The structure of English existential sentences is variable, yet as Jacobs (1995: 179) proposes, sentences usually begin with the unstressed particle there.

As Rambousek & Chamonikolasová (2008: 134) put it, the there particle is then followed by the verb to be and by an indefinite noun phrase (for further

information on noun phrases in post-verbal position see chapter 3.2). English existential sentences end with facultative adverbials of place or time. Although the structure of existential sentences differs from regular w o r d order, Quirk et al.

(1985: 1403) comment on correspondence of existential sentences with sentences of regular SVO structure. They highlight that both sentences must be equivalent in meaning must include an indefinite NP and a form of the verb to be in the verb phrase to be concerned as corresponding (Quirk et al., 1985: 1403). Thus, a general relation of equivalence can be drawn as exemplified on the following scheme:

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[1] there + (auxiliaries) + be + subject + predication

[2] subject + (auxiliaries) + be + predication (Quirk et al., 1985: 1403).

In example [1], the presence of there in the subject position violates the fixed SVO pattern since it occupies the subject position even though it carries no meaning.

The 'empty' existential there, as Jespersen coins it (1974: 107), fulfils the role of a 'grammatical' subject, i.e. syntactically filling the subject slot, but empty in notional meaning. In example sentence [2], the basic clause pattern is followed. If the sentences [1] and [2] are to be in correspondence, then, the subject of the sentence in [2] has to take the post-verbal position in sentence [1]. Thus, it creates a

'notional' subject of the existential sentence, cf. examples [3] and [4] where the subjects of both sentences are underlined.

[3] There must be something(notional subject) wrong [4] Something(grammatical subject) must be wrong.

(both examples adapted from Quirk et al., 1985: 1404)

From Huddleston's (1984: 61) description of subjects, it is apparent that:

There is no one-to-one correlation between the grammatical subject in general - or, more particularly, the subject of active clauses - and any concept figuring in the semantic analyses of sentences: this is why it is impossible to give a notional definition that will enable us to find the subject of a clause. If we want to determine what the subject is we must look at the syntactic properties of the clause, not at its meaning.

It follows that, according to Huddleston (1984: 61), the grammatical subject

does

not carry any semantic meaning; and that the subject that carries the meaning is recognizable thanks to its syntactic properties. Biber et al. (1999: 944) add that the subject of t/jere-sentences takes pre-verbal position in a sentence, see ex. [3].

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Jacobs (1995: 179) and Quirk etal. (1973: 418) conclude that in English existential sentences, the notional subject occurs after the verb, as demonstrated in ex. [3]. Since the 'notional' subject of existential sentences generally appears in the form of an indefinite noun phrase, it expresses new information and is shifted to a non-thematic position; i.e. as close as possible to the end of a sentence.

3.1 Existential there vs. adverbial there

It is worth mentioning that the morpheme there is used in two distinctive ways in English. As Biber et al. (1999) suggest, the existential there in English is a function w o r d that developed from the locative adverb there, yet they have

functional dissimilarities.

Since there are crucial differences in use between adverbial and existential type of there that are essential for the delimitation of English existential sentences, it is necessary to examine the semantic, syntactic and phonological properties of the there particles more closely in the present section.

Firstly, the semantics of both types of there shall be defined. Biber et al.

(1999: 944) as well as Lyons (1968: 390) assume that both adverbial and

existential there derived from a locative constituent. According to Breivik (1983:

156), the adverbial there, functions as "a pro-form for locative adverbial", thus carries a locative meaning. While, as already mentioned, the existential there functions as a grammatical subject with no semantic meaning (Biber, 1999: 944).

Interestingly, while focusing on the locative there, there is a paradigmatic contrast in case of locative there and here, or other locative expressions, cf. examples [5]

and [6], which express location.

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[5] There's more gravy (here). (Biber et al. 1999: 944) [6] There were only two full shells there this afternoon.

(App. 4 Ex. [15])

In both examples, the locative adverbials are underlined, as to differentiate them from the existential type of there that is printed in italics. In ex. [6], both types of there are demonstrated. This proves that existential there and locative there differ, as can be exemplified by sentences where appearance of both types of there is acceptable. In ex. [7], the adverbial there carries the locative meaning and the existential type represents the grammatical subject, see another example [7]

offered by Dušková (2006: 392).

[7] There (existential) are some quite ordinary trees there (locative).

Furthermore, Breivik (1983: 91) agrees and presents the results of his survey among English native speakers. The results show that native speakers "do not feel that (existential) there can refer to a concrete place. For example, they do not feel that there caries the meaning 'in Norway' in There are foxes in Norway". In this respect, Breivik (1983:92) emphasizes that:

Existential there cannot refer to a concrete place either in deictic existential sentences [cf. There is a fox behind that tree) or in absolute existential constructions [cf. There are foxes = Foxes exist)".

It has been noted that locative there can be substituted by other adverbial of place in existential sentences. By contrast, Huddleston (1984: 68) says that the 'dummy' there, as Huddleston calls the existential there, cannot be readily replaced by any corresponding phrase. However, Huddleston (1984:68) and Dušková (1999: 88) claim that in certain cases, it is possible to create a paradigmatic

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relation between 'dummy' there and an introductory it that bears the closest syntactic resemblance to existential there, cf. examples [8] and [9].

[8] There was a siren blaring.

[9] It was a siren blaring.

(both examples adapted from Huddleston, 1984: 68)

Secondly, the syntactic properties of existential 'dummy' there will be in the centre of attention in this section. On a basis Huddleston (1984: 68)

acknowledges, it is true that, in certain cases, the 'dummy' there may be put into paradigmatic contrast with it; thus, the existential there can be identified as belonging to the same word class as it, i.e. to pronouns. It follows that such status provides for there to stand in the subject position. And since it is vacant of meaning it serves as a 'dummy' subject. Moreover, according to Huddleston (1984: 68), the initial position of existential there in declarative existential sentences presupposes its role of a subject, as parallel to a basic clause pattern where the subject preceded the predicate (e.g. ex. [4])

Thirdly, both Jespersen (1974: 107) and Breivik (1983: 169) comment on differences in phonological properties between existential there and locative there. The pronunciation of there is crucial in determining them in a sentence.

Jespersen (1974: 107) declares that the existential there is unstressed and has the vowel [so] reduced to [a]; thus existential there is pronounced /5a(r)/ or /5s(r)/.

Breivik (1983: 169) agrees and adds that the locative there has a strong stress, and the pronunciation of the vowel is not reduced, as exemplified in /'5sa(r)/.

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This section dealt with various dissimilarities between existential and locative there. It was specified that the existential there is absent of any notional meaning, not even a locative one, carries no phonological stress, and is able to fulfil a subject role in existential sentences. Therefore, the following chapter aims at the question of existential there behaving as a subject in existential sentences and delimits the notion of'notional' subject, generally represented by an indefinite noun phrase.

As touched upon above (Chapter 3), there are differences between regular subjects and there in the subject position.

Having already stated that the existential there does not carry any locative meaning and lacks phonological stress, the focus can be laid upon the role of there as a subject in existential sentences. Breivik (1983: 157-9) summarises:

Non-referential there behaves like a subject noun phrase (NP) with respect to a number of transformations. For example, it can undergo subject raising, [...] inversion of subject and finite verb in the following cases: yes/no

questions, w h questions, question tags; in conditional clauses and after initial negative elements.

Example sentences [10] - [15] document all subject NP transformations listed 3.2 There as a subject vs. notional subject

above:

[10] It appears that there is trouble. ~ There appears to be trouble subject raising

[11] Has there been an accident? ~ yes/no question [12] Why has there been an accident? ~ w h question

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[13] There has been an accident, hasn't there? ~ question tag [14] Had there been an accident, I would have written before.

~ conditional clause

[15] Not until yesterday was there some attempt to halt the slide of the pound.

~ negative initial element

(Examples [10] - [15] collected from Breivik, 1983: 159)

Moreover, it is stated in Quirk et al. (1985: 1405) that there can represent a subject in infinitive and -ing clauses:

[16] I don't want there to be any doubt about it. ~ subject in infinitive clause

[17] I was surprised at there being so little traffic. ~ subject in -ing clause (Both examples adapted from Dušková, 1999: 87)

After studying the presented example sentences [10] - [17], it is obvious that the existential there functions well in the subject position and fulfils the subject role.

Additionally, Quirk et al. (1983: 1405) mention that existential there often influences concord with the verb phrase. In English existential sentences there breaks the regular subject-verb concord by "governing a singular form of the verb even when the following 'notional' subject is plural", as in ex. [18].

[18] There's pigs. (App. 2 Ex. [17])

However, Jacobs (19995: 179) presents that it is important to note that this type of irregular concord is restricted to informal usage of existential sentences and the verb to be usually appears in contracted form, as in example [18].

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By contrast, Jacobs (1995: 179) concludes that "although there fills the subject slot, the verb agrees in number with the noun phrase that follows", i.e. with the notional subject. This indicates that, even though the existential there is the sentence subject, the NP in the post-verbal position (i.e. the notional subject) still retains the properties of a subject and determines the verb agreement, see ex. [6].

Shifting the attention to the notional subject, it can be observed that in English existential sentences the notional subject is frequently formed by an indefinite NP in post-verbal position. The fact that the NP is indefinite points to that the information presented is new (or brought back to mind of the hearer).

Since subjects in English sentences are thematic, i.e. conveying known information, they occupy the initial position. Thus, the existential there fills the subject position in order to leave the final position in a sentence vacant for the new (rhematic) element, i.e. the notional subject, to come (Quirk & Greenbaum, 1973: 418), see ex.

[19].

[19] There (grammatical subject) was (predicate) a noise (notional subject). (App. 2 Ex. [70])

By contrast, Huddleston (1984: 467) agrees that the NP in post-verbal position, i.e. the notional subject, is normally indefinite but also infers that

"definites are not excluded altogether, but seem to occur only in listing or

answering implicit or explicit there questions", see example [20] from Quirk et al.

(1985: 1404).

[20] A: Have we any loose cash in the house?

B: well, there's the money in the box over there.

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Within this subsection, existential there in the role of a subject and the role of the notional subject were described. The chapter highlights that existential there appears in majority of cases where a normal subject would appear (e.g. question tags, yes/questions, etc.), where it often influences the concord with the predicate, but lacks notional meaning which is, by contrast, represented by usually indefinite NP in post-verbal position. The following chapter focuses on the verbs that

typically appear in English existential sentences.

3.3 Verbs in tAere-constructions

The present chapter deals with the variety, nature and use of verbs that occur in English existential sentences.

As has been already stated, the basic structure of English existential sentences is as follows: the particle there and a form of the verb to be used as a main verb (i.e. verb of full meaning), or copula (i.e. linking verb). Huddleston (1984: 467), Quirk et al. (1985: 1403) and Alexander (1988: 194) all assume that the verb to be is the most common or central constituent of the t/jere-construction.

Martinez Insua's (1998: 119) corpus-based study of existential sentences in English texts validates the assumption by presenting facts about the proportional rate of verbs employed in English existential sentences. Based on the results of her study, Martinez Insua (1998: 119) shows that a form of the verb to be made an appearance in 95 % of t/jere-constructions.

However, a few other verbs can follow the existential there, while some of those can retain a similar meaning to to be.

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Greenbaum & Quirk (1990: 428), Breivik (1983: 231) and Martinez Insua (1998: 119) suggest that the verbs employed in t/jere-constructions are highly restricted. In Breivik (1983: 230), Huddleston (1984: 469) and Greenbaum &

Quirk (1990: 428) it is stated that English existential constructions require that the verbs be selected from intransitive verbs and must be of general presentative meaning. Verbs with presentative meaning are primarily verbs of motion,

inception and of stance. For illustration, verbs to arrive, to enter, to pass, to come etc. can be included among verbs of motion; verbs such as to emerge, to spring up, to rise etc. can be mentioned among verbs of inception; and lastly, verbs such as to live, to remain, to stand, to lie etc. belong among verbs of stance.

Dušková (2006: 394), Alexander (1988: 195), Jacobs (1995:180) and Collins Cobuild (2006: 417) provide similar show of verbs and state that the use of such verbs tend to occur mainly in literary prose or i n formal writing. See, for example, sentences [21a-c] from Cobuild (2005: 417):

[2 la] There seems little doubt that he was insane.

[21b] There appears to be a vast amount of confusion on this point.

[21c] There comes a time when you have to make a choice.

(Examples collected from Cobuild, 2005: 417)

Another important group of verbs suitable for existential sentences that must not be left out are modal verbs. Martinez Insua (1998: 120) presents that even though the occurrence of modals is not as frequent as it is with the other mentioned verbs, it still creates a notable pattern. In Martinez Insua's study (1998:

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120) as well as in Alexander (1988: 240), modal verbs such as would, could, will, may, might, must and can are listed, see ex. [22a] and [22b].

[22a] Next time there would be no mercy. (App. Ex []) [22b] There maybe a ship out there. (App. Ex [])

The fact that English existential sentences can be combined with modals corresponds with Dušková's (2006: 355) approach to the semantic differentiation of English existential sentences. Dušková's (2006: 355) definition of the modal type of existential sentences will be dealt with in Chapter 4.4 of this paper.

This chapter offered key facts on syntactic structures and possibilities of English existential sentences. The focus lay mainly on the distinction between locative and existential there, the function of existential there as a subject in existential sentences, on the S-V concord, and finally on verbs that together with the verb to be can be employed in English existential sentences. In chapter 4 and its subchapters, semantic description of English existential sentences will be outlined.

4) Semantic description of English existential sentences

This chapter will present a specific division of English existential sentences, namely, the division into semantic types, which will be based on Dušková's

Mluvnice současné angličtiny na pozadí češtiny (2006: 353-355).

Dušková (2006: 353-355) and Rambousek & Chamonikolasová (2008: 135) mention that English existential sentences can be divided into four semantic

groups. Specifically, the authors divide English existential sentences into four existential sentence types: Existential type, Existential-locative type,

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Action/Perception type and Modal type. A l l of these semantic types, respectively, are described in detail within following subheads.

However, when studying grammars such as Quirk et al. (1985: 1406) or Huddleston (1984: 468) it can be noted that these authors propose another terminology concerning division of existential sentences. What Quirk et al. (1985:

1406) and Huddleston (1984: 468) offer is a 'bare' existential sentence with there- construction. By the term 'bare', Quirk et al. (1985: 1406) understand that the sentence "simply postulates the existence of some entity or entities". Huddleston (1984: 468) adds that in 'bare' t/jere-constructions "some locative element will typically be implied - either quite particular [There must be some mistake: "here") or general [There are many different kinds of jelly-fish: "on earth")".

Although, as intriguing as the division of English existential sentences into 'bare' existential category is, it will not be employed in this thesis. For the purpose of the present thesis, the approach presented in Dušková (2006: 353-355), and later developed by Rambousek & Chamonikolasová (2008: 135), will be adopted.

Dušková (2006: 353-355) in her chapter 'Copular sentences with there as a subject' elaborates on the individual existential types and characterizes them according to the extension of the t/jere-construction by a local/temporal adjunct (if there is any), or the semantic changes of the notional subject.

4.1 Existential type

The first type to be described is the Existential type of English existential sentences. The Existential type of existential sentences provides the sentence with solely existential proposition. In other words, it says whether an entity exists or not.

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In this type of existential sentences, the verb to be can be easily substituted by the verb to exist [cf. [23a] below). Yet, Dušková (2006: 353) claims that the use of the verb to exist in existential sentences is otherwise sparse. This is the reason why the verb to be, in ex. [23a], in Existential sentence type is not considered to be a copula but a main verb (of full meaning).

[23a] There is no exception. ~ There exists no exception.

According to Huddleston's (1984: 468) description of'bare' existentials, which seem to correlate with Dušková's (2006: 353) Existential type, it can be noted that 'bare' existential sentences do not contain any complement (hence no adjunct either). Dušková (2006: 353), on the other hand, disagrees and

acknowledges sentences with facultative, mostly locative, adverbial among the purely Existential type of English existential sentences as well. Dušková (2006:

353) postulates that the facultative adverbial only complements the existence [cf.

examples [23b]) whereas the adverbial in Existential-locative type (see Chapter 4.2) is obligatory and specifies the existence of a phenomenon on a particular location (see ex. [23c]).

[23b] There have always been wars in the world. ~ Existential type

~ Wars have always existed (generally).

[23c] There is someone waiting outside. ~ Existential-locative type

~ Outside is where someone is waiting.

(Both examples adapted from Quirk, 1973: 419)

Referring to Dušková (2006: 354), the main difference between the Existential and the Existential-locative type [cf. Chapter 4.2) is that in the former type the presence of the there particle is obligatory in even if the locative adverbial

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is in the sentence-initial position, see [23d]. In addition, Existential type of existential sentences cannot be converted into a Locative type which expresses localization, not existence (further commented on in Chapter 4.2).

[23d] There was no sign of life in the house. ~ In the house there was no sign of life. (Dušková, 2006: 353-4)

For the analysis, the approach of Dušková will be applied, accepting sentences with facultative adverbials into the Existential type as well.

4.2 Existential-locative type

The second type to be outlined is the Existential-locative type. Dušková (2006: 354) highlights that the adverbial is more prominent in sentences of

Existential-locative type than in the type described in 4.1. The temporal or locative adverbial constitutes an obligatory element in Existential-locative type of

existential sentences. Thus, it is clear that the Existential-locative type of sentences expresses existence of some entity in a certain time or place. Furthermore,

Dušková (2006: 354) affirms that the adverbial can be situated in the initial as well as in the final sentence position. Its position does not propose any change in the syntactic-semantic structure or in the functional sentence perspective (FSP), see examples [24a] and [24b].

[24a] There is a housing estate beyond the bridge. ~ Za mostem je sídliště.

[24b] Beyond the bridge there is a housing estate. ~ Za mostem je sídliště.

(Both examples adapted from Dušková, 2006: 354)

Rambousek & Chamonikolasová (2008: 135) suggest that there is a possible alternative to Existential-locative type of sentences. This alternative is in a form of

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the non-existential Locative sentence pattern without the there particle. See examples [25a] and [25b] that demonstrate the shift from an Existential-locative type into a non-existential Locative type:

[25a] Between the windows there was/hung a large picture. ~ Existential- locative type

[25b] Between the windows was/hung a large picture. ~ Locative type (Both examples from Rambousek & Chamonikolasová, 2008: 135)

Dušková (1999: 89-91; 2006: 354) comments and contrasts Existential-locative type with non-existential Locative type as well. Compare the set of sentences [25c]

and [25d]:

[25c] There is a girl in the waiting-room. ~ V čekárně je nějaká dívka.

~ Existential-locative type

[25d] The girl is in the waiting-room. ~ Ta dívka je v čekárně.

~ Locative type

(Both examples adapted from Dušková, 2006: 354)

In the sentence [25d], it is visible that the subject has a definite reference. Dušková (1999: 89) claims that this is conditioned by the change of functional sentence

perspective in the Locative sentence because the sentence lacks the there particle in its subject position. Therefore, the subject in [25d] is determined by a definite article. Presence of an indefinite article is, on the other hand, typical of English existential sentences (Existential-locative including) in which it complies with the newness of the notional subject. What is also apparent in [25d] is the distinction between English and Czech word order. In the Czech language, the word order is

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the constituent of the FSP, while in English the FSP is not influenced by the position of the adverbial. Thus, as Dušková (2006: 354) says, it is clear that the Locative type is non-existential and expresses a mere localisation of the subject (either temporal or spacial).

4.3 Action/Perception type

The third described type, the Action/Perception type of sentences includes a notional subject that denotes action. Dušková (2006: 355) specifies that the notional subject can be a noun, typically a verbal or deverbal noun, see example sentences [26a] and [26b] from Dušková (2006: 355). Action/Perception

existential construction enables expressing actions without an agent. Nevertheless, the agent can be expressed by means of a prepositional phrase as in example [26c].

[26a] There was tree-climbing, roof-climbing, story-telling.

[26b] There was a click in the lock.

[26c] There was a dubious region inhabited by Simon. (App. Ex. []) Atmospheric actions, as in [26d], and types of action that introduce some phenomenon, see [26e], as well as notional subjects denoting any of the sense perceptions, example [26f], can be described using the Action/Perception type of existential sentence.

[26d] There was a peal of thunder.

[26e] There was a crash.

[26f] There was the sound of footsteps.

(All examples adapted from Dušková, 2006: 355)

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4.4 Modal type

Finally the Modal type of English existential sentences will be

demonstrated. The modality of this type is realized by the notional subject that

"contains an element that has the form of an infinitive or a gerund expressing possibility or necessity" (Rambousek & Chamonikolasová, 2008: 143). Typically a gerundial notional subject, or negative infinitive following the notional subject create the Modal type of existential sentences, as illustrated on example sentences [27a] and [27b] from Dušková (2006: 355).

[27a] There is no knowing what she may do.

[2 7b] There is nowhere to go.

Rambousek & Chamonikolasová (2008: 143,145) note that the modality in the Modal type of sentences is expressed even though no modal verb is present. It can be proved by a transformation of the existential sentence into a non-existential sentence that makes use of a modal verb directly, as in [27c]. Here, it is apparent that the t/jere-construction of [27c] can be easily uttered without the there-

element, only by the direct employment of the modal verb, in this case by must.

[27c] There was a human life to consider

~ Human life must be considered.

(Example adapted from Rambousek & Chamonikolasová, 2008: 145)

The present chapter has offered an overview of the four semantic types of English existential sentences and has specified individual features each type has.

To sum up, Existential type solely postulate existence, frequently on an implied location or time. Existential-locative type presupposes existence of a phenomenon

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in a specific time or place. Action/Perception type covers those types of English existential sentences that make use of verbal and deverbal nouns in the position of the notional subject. Action/Perception type of sentences is frequently connected with perception of human senses. The last type, the Modal type, on the other hand, consists of implied modality since the existential sentence can be readily

transformed into non-existential sentences with the use of a modal verb. The following chapter will bring essential information concerning the functional sentence perspective.

5) Introduction to Functional Sentence Perspective

Since the Functional Sentence Perspective (FSP) represents the point of departure for the analytical part of this thesis, basic facts and terms concerning the FSP will be described in the subsequent subchapters.

The theory of Functional Sentence Perspective owes its existence to the Prague Linguistic Circle (1926-1952). Paraphrasing Mathesius (1961: 12), the FSP is strongly linked with the development of functional structuralism - a linguistic movement that studies language synchronically with special attention to the functional aspect of language, and to the system of signs that are interrelated and balanced. It was only in the second quarter of the 19^{t h} century, as Mathesius (1961:

12) mentions, that functional structuralism emerged as a distinct trend. Lyons (1981: 224) adds that functional structuralism is "characterized by the belief that the phonological, grammatical and semantic structure of languages is determined by the functions that they have to perform in the societies in which they operate."

Furthermore, Lyons (1981: 226) concludes that the study of FSP has been one of the persisting interests of the Prague Linguistic Circle.

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5.1 Functional Sentence Perspective

As mentioned above, it was Mathesius and his followers, mainly Vachek, Danes and most notably Firbas, who are responsible for the introduction of functional analysis of languages. Although Mathesius (1961: 81) was the one who laid the basis for the functional sentence element interpretation and who

introduced a pattern of two basic content elements of a sentence; Firbas' approach to the FSP, that he developed on the basis of Mathesius' works, will be followed in this thesis.

To start off, a few words have to be stated about Jan Firbas. Svoboda (2003:

1, 7) remarks that Firbas who was a highly-estimated scholar of international reputation spent over 55 years at his alma mater, at Masaryk University, Brno.

There, he "brought up generations of students and generations of teachers of English including a range of university teachers and researchers." Svoboda (2003:

3) highly commemorates Firbas' contribution to functional linguistics, saying that

"Firbas was one of very few consistent followers of the Prague School linguistic tradition." Not to forget, Firbas, as Svoboda (2005: 3) asserts, coined and put into practice the very term 'functional' sentence perspective. As Svoboda (2005: 4) puts it, the term Mathesius used was 'aktuální větné členění'; and Firbas, as an Anglicist, was in need of a corresponding English term in his writings. Finally, in 1957, he came up with a new term: functional sentence perspective, since he had to take into consideration that Czech adjective aktuální is a false friend with an English word actual. Therefore, we speak of'Functional Sentence Perspective' (Adam, 2009: 17).

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Adam's (2009:17) clear-cut description of the term FSP and delimitation of its individual parts offer an effective stepping-stone for the study of the FSP theory.

Adam (2009:17) describes terms functional, sentence and perspective as follows:

a) Functional - FSP is closely connected with a functionalist approach towards language, which, as Adam (2009: 10) stresses, means that the emphasis is laid on the "function of an element within the system of language at the very act of communication" since an element "may perform different functions in different contexts and situations."

b) Sentence - the FSP theory operates on a level of a clause (sentence); Adam (2009: 19) points out that a sentence is seen as "a field of semantic and syntactic relations" where elements perform their function.

c) Perspective - sentence is considered a dynamic phenomenon with two possible perspectives. The first perspective is towards the subject and the other is perspectived away from it (Adam 2009: 20).

Having stated that, the focus can be shifted to the very development of the FSP theory, i.e. from Mathesius to Firbas.

Svoboda (2003: 3) comments that "Firbas' theory of FSP is based on Mathesius' ideas of the functional analysis of a sentence". In Mathesius (1961:

185), Firbas is acknowledged as the one who developed the idea of functional description of sentence content elements that Mathesius (1961: 81) called 'basis' and 'nucleus' of an utterance. Mathesius (1961: 81) examined that a vast majority of sentences consists of both the basis and nucleus of an utterance. Mathesius (1961: 81) delimits the basis of an utterance as "the element about which

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something is stated" whereas "what is stated about the basis is the nucleus of an utterance". However, Mathesius' (1961: 185) terms "have ceded to the more convenient terms 'theme' - 'rheme' (for the first time introduced by Jan Firbas in 1959)" which will be dealt with individually in section 5.2.1.

Vilem Mathesius, nevertheless, was not the very first linguist to come across the idea of distinguishing between sentence content elements. The first notion dates back to the second half of the 19^{t h} century when Henri Weil (1844: 29) observed that:

There is then a point of departure, an initial notion which is equally present to him who speaks and to him who hears, which forms, as it were, the ground upon which the two intelligences meet; and another part of discourse which forms the statement (l'enonciation), properly so called.

This division is found in almost all we say.

Mathesius (as cited in Svoboda, 2005: 2), comparing various languages, developed on this scheme and concluded that "English is less susceptible to the theme-rheme articulation than Czech because of its relatively fixed word order". Svoboda (2003:

4) claims Mathesius' suggestion served Firbas as a point of departure for his thorough study of the FSP. As Svoboda (2003: 4) highlights, Firbas proved in his works that:

FSP is determined, not by the word order, or context, or intonation alone, but by the interplay of at least the following factors: context, semantics, linearity, and intonation (in spoken language). All these factors are

presented in any language, but their interplay may be different in different languages. Seen in this light, English (or any other language examined so far) is not less susceptible to FSP than Czech, but the outcome of the

interplay of factors is - at least partly - signalled by other linguistic means.

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It is clear that the mentioned factors influencing the FSP need to be further described, as they represent the basis of FSP. Hence, the present thesis will offer delimitation of the factors in respective subsections of the following section 5.3.

Nevertheless, before we start, the concept of communicative dynamism, degrees of communicative dynamism and communicative units have to be introduced first, as they constitute crucial terms for delimitation of the FSP factors.

5.2 Communicative dynamism

It is important to mention that according to Firbas' (1992: 7) ideas,

"elements of a clause differ in the extent to which they contribute towards the further development of the communication." This proposition leads to the

establishment of new terms such as communicative dynamism and its degrees that were introduced in Firbas' (1992) Functional Sentence Perspective in Written and Spoken Communication, which served as the basis for the description in the present chapter.

Communicative dynamism (CD), according to Firbas (1992: 7-8), is a phenomenon that is invariably presented by linguistic elements of a sentence in the act of communication, while any linguistic element that conveys meaning, i.e.

information, can become a carrier of CD. In the act of communication,

communicative dynamism is manifested by a constant development towards the full execution of the communicative purpose/goal. Sentence elements, however, differ in the degree of communicative dynamism to which they contribute to the development of the communicative purpose, i.e. some are more and others less dynamic. Hence, Firbas (1992: 8) characterises the degree of communicative dynamism as "the relative extent to which a linguistic element contributes

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towards the further development of the communication." Firbas (1992: 8) explicates the meaning of the term 'relative' in the definition; 'relative' here represents that the degree of CD carried by a sentence element is always in

relation to the contributions that the other CD carriers make to the development of the communicative purpose. In other words, Firbas summarizes (1992: 105), "the degree of CD carried by a linguistic element is the relative informational

(communicative) value the element acquires in the development of the communication."

Definitions of communicative dynamism and degrees of CD were offered, allowing the subsequent chapter to introduce other Firbasian terms, namely communicative units and thematic and non-thematic sentence elements.

5.2.1. Communicative units

As has been already stated, Firbas developed Mathesius' twofold approach towards sentence content elements. Mathesius distinguishes between basis and nucleus of an utterance. By contrast, Firbas (1992: 14-20) employs carriers of CD (i.e. sentence elements) that differ in the degree to which they contribute to the communicative goal. Firbas (1992: 17) together with Svoboda (1968, as cited in Firbas, 1992: 17) say that "a sentence, a clause, a semiclause and even a nominal phrase serve as a distributional field of CD in the act of communication."

Furthermore, Firbas (1992: 17) mentions that the syntactic constituents of distributional fields of CD, i.e. subject, predicative, objects etc., form so-called communicative units.

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This umbrella term, according to Firbas (1992: 17), covers both thematic and non-thematic communicative units. The distinction between thematic and non-thematic communicative units is based on Mathesius' (1961: 81)

proposition of theme (basis) and rheme (nucleus) as well as on the degrees of CD they carry. Firbas (1992: 72) claims that thematic elements carry lower degrees of communicative dynamism than the non-thematic ones. Non-thematic elements are created by the transition and the rheme, while transitions being less dynamic than rhemes. According to Chamonikolasova (2007: 32), transitions provide a link between the thematic and the non-thematic elements. Rhemes, as Firbas (1992:

72) clarifies, are constituted by elements with the highest degree of CD, as they are the elements towards which the communication is perspectived.

In the following subsections, thematic and non-thematic communicative units will be outlined providing information about their form and degree of CD.

5.2.1.1. Thematic communicative units

Theme

Following Firbas' (1992: 73) delimitation of thematic elements, themes create the foundation, or starting point, for the message that is to be completed in a sentence. Moreover, themes represent elements with the lowest degree of CD since they supply, in compliance with Svoboda's thorough study (as cited in Firbas,

1992: 80), either:

(i) Information that is non-existent within, i.e. irretrievable from, the immediately relevant preceding context and hence context-

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independent. Examples of irretrievable information are underlined in example [28].

[28] A t least I think it's an island. That's a reef out in the sea. Perhaps there aren't any grown-ups anywhere. (App. 4 Ex. [1])

(ii) Other thematic elements convey information that has already appeared within this sphere of context, having occurred in the immediately relevant section of the non-thematic layer; for instance, in the non- theme of the immediately preceding distributional field. Such thematic elements convey retrievable and hence context-dependent information that has been transferred from the non-thematic to the thematic layer. Illustration of retrievable information offered in [29].

[29] There was that pilot. But he wasn't in the passenger tube, he was up in the cabin in front. (App. 2 Ex. [1])

(iii) Other thematic elements repeat information that has occurred in the immediately relevant section of the thematic layer and that now becomes more firmly established in this layer. Examples of elements from immediately relevant context follow:

[30] But if there was a snake we'd hunt it and kill it. (App. Ex. [])

Svoboda (as cited in Firbas, 1992: 81) further classifies the thematic elements described in (i) and (ii) as diatheme (DTh). In addition, those of type (iii) perform a function of a theme proper (ThPr). Focusing on the degrees of CD, Firbas (1992: 81) states that these types of thematic elements differ in the degree of CD they carry. In this respect, diathemes are more dynamic than themes proper.

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5.2.1.2. Non-thematic communicative units

It has been already stated that message's foundation is what is called the theme, whereas what is understood by the term non-theme is the message's core. It is obvious that non-thematic communicative units build up the message. Firbas (1992: 71) defines the core-constituting elements as (i) the transitional elements and (ii) rhemes. Generally speaking, transitional elements perform a function of an intermediator between the theme and non-theme while rhemes can be

delimited as "the elements that develop the communication beyond the

transitional elements and eventually complete it" (Firbas, 1992: 89). Following subsections provide a deeper insight into transitional and rhematic units.

Interestingly, Firbas (1992: 72) speaks about non-thematic communicative units as being unexpendable within a distributional field. Firbas (1992: 72) implies that "not all the thematic and not all the non-thematic parts need be implemented"

in a sentence. However, the rheme and the transition must be always realized.

Transitional elements:

As already mentioned, transition provides a link between the thematic and the non-thematic portions of an utterance.

For better understanding of the transitional role, it must be clarified that it is the predicative verb that fulfils the role of the transition. Firbas (1992: 18) claims that the verb constitutes two communicative units in the FSP theory. He adds (1992: 70) that "the verb (finite or non-finite) consists of the notional component and the categorial exponents" and the information conveyed by either is different. Firbas (1992: 18) describes the categorial exponents of a verb

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as its "formal signals conveying such indications as those of tense, mood, modality, person, number, gender, voice, aspect, polarity." Chamonikolasova (2007: 31-32) suggests that these indication have to be regarded as one communicative unit.

According to Chamonikolasova (2007: 31), the categorial exponents of the verb play an important role in FSP. In her work, Chamonikolasova (2007: 32) also asserts that it is through the exponents of tense and mood (so-called TMEs) that all categorial exponents of a verb start building up the rheme upon the theme and thus create a transition between them.

On the other hand, the notional component of the verb expresses the lexical meaning of the verb. By doing so, Chamonikolasova (2007: 32) states that it is "less stable in regard to the communicative functions than the TMEs" and in certain cases it can leave the transitional layer and can complete the communicative goal as the most dynamic element.

Having characterizes the categorial exponents and the notional component of the predicate, the subsequent subsections will focus on the differences between Transition Proper and Transition.

Transition Proper

In case the verb provides a link between thematic and non-thematic elements on basis of its TMEs (i.e. categorial exponents), it functions as a

Transition Proper (TrPr). It can be summed up that the transition proper layer is realized by the categorial exponents of the verb and it happens so invariably

(Chamonikolasova, 2007: 32). The categorial exponents of verbs can be signalled

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by the use of, for example, auxiliaries, affixes or endings (Adam, 2009: 39), study examples [32a] and [32b] where examples of TMEs are underlined.

[32a] There were flames coming out of it. (App. Ex []) [32b] He objected to this immediately. (Adam, 2009: 39)

It is noteworthy that even non-finite verb forms can be divided into the notional component and the categorial exponents (Firbas, 1992: 92). Nonetheless, the function of the latter is weaker than that of finite verbs', yet they still display the Transition Proper function (Firbas, 1992: 92), see ex. [32c] where again the categorial exponent is underlined.

[32c] Reading his book, he missed the news. (Firbas, 1992: 92)

Transition

The Transition (Tr), on the contrary, is created by the notional component (i.e. the lexical meaning) of the predicative verb. Adam (2009: 39) explains that the Transition is constituted by the semantic content or (less frequently) by the

nominal part of the predicate.

Chamonikolasova (2007: 32) notes that Transition is a more dynamic element than Transitions Proper. Firbas (1992: 71) supports that idea and says that "as long as it [the verb] is context-independent (which is usually the case), the information conveyed by the notional component acts as a successful competitor of that conveyed by the categorial exponents." Looking at the examples [33a] and [33b] below, the underlined part displays the notional components of the

predicates.

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[33a] There were flames coming out of it. (App. 4 Ex. [2]) [33b] He objected to this immediately. (Adam, 2009: 39)

Adam (2009: 40) reminds that in certain cases, when there is no successful competitor in terms of a higher degree of CD, the Transition can move from the transitional layer and can become the most dynamic element of a sentence and thus serve as a rhematic element. For better illustration of this shift, study example

[33c] adapted from Adam (2009: 40).

[33c] Finally I objected.

To conclude, Chamonikolasova (2007: 32) offers an elaborate list of elements that can perform the function of Transition Proper (i-iii), and those that can constitute Transition (iv-v):

(i) the TMEs of the verb

(ii) non-verbal elements expressing temporal or modal features similar to TMEs

(iii) AofQ-elements (copula-like verbs)

(iv) Q-elements in the presence of Sp-elements (v) Pr-elements.

(For further information on description of AofQ-, Q- and Pr-elements, see sections on FSP Factors, esp. subsections 5.3.3.1 and 5.3.3.2)

Rhematic elements:

Among other communicative units, rhematic elements carry the highest degree of communicative dynamism. The most dynamic element of a distributional field is constituted by the Rheme Proper (RhPr), immediately followed by the

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Rheme (Rh) which still has a higher degree of CD than any unit from the transitional layer (Chamonikolasova, 2007: 32).

Chamonikolasova (2007: 32-33) affirms that any element that is context- independent and that conveys entirely irretrievable pieces of information can become a rhematic element.

Rheme proper

Firbas (1992: 73) suggests that Rheme Proper is the element carrying the highest degree of CD towards which the communication is oriented. Adam

(2009:40) notifies that Rheme Proper elements may take various forms while the usual representatives are: Phenomenon presented (Ph) in the Presentational Scale;

Specification (Sp) or Quality (Q) in Quality Scale (their description appears in sections 5.3.3.1 and 5.3.3.2). In Adam (2009: 40), there are several examples of RhPr [34a-c] and Rh [34d] elements:

[34a] | A n extraordinary voice | was heard | from the distance.|

Ph (RhPr) Pr Set

Set B Q Sp(RhPr) [34c] | John | was | totally blind. |

B AofQ Q (RhPr)

For clarity's sake, an interpretative hierarchy of communicative units is demonstrated in the subsequent scheme in [34e]:

[34e] ThPr - DTh - TrPr - Tr - Rh - RhPr

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Starting from the left, the elements are ordered according to the degree - from the lowest to the highest - of their contribution to the fulfilment of the communicative purpose, i.e. to the degree of communicative dynamism. According to Firbas

(1992:72), it is important to notice that none of the communicative units is bound to a certain sentence position - they are not invariably linked with the beginning middle or the end of a sentence.

To summarize this subchapter, it was mentioned that various sentence elements function as various communicative units. They differ in degree of CD, i.e.

the least dynamic are the thematic communicative units; the non-thematic units from transitional layer have a degree of CD that is higher than that of the thematic units but lower than that of rhematic units, which is the most dynamic of them.

Having introduced the notions of theme-transition-rheme, the delimitation of factors that influence their interplay follows.

5.3 FSP factors

As Chamonikolasova (2007: 24) points out, the degree of CD of an element is determined by the interplay of FSP factors. Firbas (1992: 6, 21, 41) as well as Chamonikolasova (2007: 24) mention linear modification factor, contextual factor and semantic factor as factors that determine written texts. Yet, another factor that co-determines spoken language together with the other factors is mentioned, i.e. the prosodic factor. Since this thesis focuses only on written texts, the three non-prosodic factors will be dealt with in this paper. Firstly, linear

modification factor will described, secondly, contextual factor will be outlined, and, last but not least, the semantic factor will be presented.

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5.3.1 Linear modification factor

All factors that influence the degree of CD of sentence elements can be hierarchically ordered. The linear modification factor occupies the lowest rank among the factors (Chamonikolasova, 2007: 24). It is important to mention that, as Chamonikolasova (2007: 24) puts it, linear modification factor "operates within the FSP and, at the same time, within the system of w o r d order" and constitutes one of the word-order principles, or, as Firbas (1992: 118,120,128) calls it, the FSP-linearity principle. Adam (2009: 23) declares that sentence elements that make use of the linearity principle gradually grow in informativeness. Thus, according to the FSP-linearity principle, the organization of communicative units follows the Th - T r - Rh sequence (Firbas, 1992: 118), see example [35]

[35] There (Th) was (Tr) a general dispersal (Rh). (App. Ex [])

In Firbas (1992: 10), he speaks of'Th - T r - Rh' organization of

communicative units as of a basic distribution of degrees of CD. As stated in Firbas (1992: 10), the basic distribution of CD is characterized by a gradual rise in CD within the distributional field from the beginning to the end of a sentence, i.e.

getting from the known pieces of information to the unknown. Firbas (1992:105) sums up that the closer the element comes to the fulfilment of the communicative purpose, the greater is its communicative importance. In this respect, the element that occupies the sentence-final position carries the highest degree of CD (Firbas,

1992: 8).

Firbas (1992: 9) asserts that "there is evidence of a tendency to arrange the sentence elements in accordance with a gradual rise in CD". Nevertheless, Firbas

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(1992: 8) also claims that the linear modification factor is not always in perfect agreement with the gradual rise in CD. Chamonikolasova (2007: 25) agrees and adds that many Indo-European languages employ the linearity modification factor, although each language employs it to a different extent.

Chamonikolasova (2007: 25) speaks about the FSP-linearity principle as applied on English and concludes that the "leading w o r d order principle is the grammatical principle". Thus, it is obvious that English requires that the ordering of individual sentence elements agrees with their syntactic functions, i.e. subject - verb - object - adverbial. What is more, Chamonikolasova (2007: 25) designates that such ordering is perceived as unmarked if the most dynamic element is located in the final position. If it is positioned sentence-initially, the word order is recognized as marked (emotionally or otherwise). As it is obvious, the marked word order does not succumb to the requirement of the leading grammatical principle (Chamonikolasova, 2007: 25).

The topic of this subchapter was the linear modification factor. The main focus was centred on the notion of linear arrangement of sentence elements and also on the influence of w o r d order principle on the distribution of CD. The next chapter will discuss the contextual factor.

5.3.2 Contextual factor

In the hierarchy of the three factors, the contextual factor is the most

prominent as it is more powerful than both linear modification factor and semantic factor (Chamonikolasova, 2007: 25). As stated in Chamonikolasova (2007: 25), context is a highly complex phenomenon that relates closely to the concepts of

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given (known, old, context-dependent) and new (unknown, context- independent) pieces of information.

Firbas (1992: 21-40) postulates the concepts of immediately relevant verbal and situational context and the notions of retrievability and irretrievability of information from the immediately relevant context. Both concepts of

(ir)retrievability and immediately relevant context play significant roles within the FSP theory.

According to Firbas (1992: 22-23) and Chamonikolasova (2007: 26), immediately relevant context represents only a fraction of the entire preceding contexts (verbal, situational but also experiential), see example [36], yet it is embedded within a larger context constituted by the human knowledge and experience. In the example sentence [36], the child constitutes the immediately relevant context for the pronouns him and he underlined in the subsequent clauses.

[36] The older boy first noticed the child when he resisted. There was a group of little boys urging him forward and he didn't want to go.

(App. 2 Ex. [18])

As far as retrievability and irretrievability are concerned, Svoboda (1981: 88-9; as cited in Firbas, 1992: 22) points out that an element after its last occurrence in a text "remains retrievable for the span of seven clauses." It follows that for the element to be referred to as immediately relevant in verbal or

situational context, it must be possible for the reader to bring the information back to memory. There are, obviously, constraints that exist on sides of the

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communication participants as their retrievability spans may differ. Hence, Firbas (1992: 24) refers to a certain level of interpretation potentiality [cf. Firbas, 1992:

108-110).

The present subchapter focused on the second type of FSP factors,

specifying how context dependence or independence influences the degrees of CD carried by sentence elements. The last, semantic factor will be outlined in the following section.

5.3.3 Semantic factor

The present subchapter focuses on the semantic factor that influences the FSP. In accord with Firbas (1992: 41), this factor is the second most influential of the three non-prosodic factors. To make the description of this factor clear, it must be stated what Firbas (1992: 41) means by the term 'semantic factor'. What the term covers is "the impact that the semantic character of a linguistic element, as well as the character of its semantic relations, has on the distribution of degrees of CD"; or to put it bluntly, the semantic character of a verb and its semantic relations are in the centre of attention (Firbas, 1992: 41).

Verbs play a significant role in the semantic factor. Adam (2009: 30) suggests that English verbs are generally semantically weak, and serve as mediators (transitions) between the sentence subject and other sentence

constituents. The verb's notional component (i.e. lexical meaning) defines in which way the verb will contribute to the development of the communication (Firbas,

1992: 66). There are two perspectives in which the verb, according to Firbas (1992: 66), can function; it is perspectived either "(i) towards the phenomenon

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presented by the subject, or (ii) towards the quality ascribed to the phenomenon expressed by the subject or beyond this quality towards its specification." To provide Firbasian (1992: 66-67) terms; the former is referred to as the dynamic semantic function (DSF) of presentation, i.e. Presentation Scale; while the latter is entitled dynamic semantic function of expressing quality, i.e. Quality Scale.

Chamonikolasova & Adam (2005: 59-69) present that there is yet another scale, i.e.

Extended Presentational Scale.

The subsequent sections will focus on a detailed description of the three scales. Firstly, Presentation Scale will be described, then Quality Scale will be outlined, and the section will close with information on the Extended

Presentational Scale.

5.3.3.1. Presentation Scale

The first of the dynamic semantic scales to be depicted in this section is the Presentation scale. Adam (2009: 31) states that the expression 'presentation' must be understood in the broadest sense of the word.

Firbas (1992:66) speaks about three dynamic semantic functions that can appear within the Presentation Scale. There are: (i) a scene or setting of the action (spacial or temporal); (ii) existence or appearance on scene conveyed by a verb;

and (iii) an element that is introduced on the scene (Adam, 2009: 31).

Firbas (1992: 62) declares that temporal or spacial Setting (Set) is provided by adverbial sentence elements; Presentation (Pr) of phenomenon's existence or appearance on scene is represented by verbs, and Phenomenon (Ph) to be presented is designated by subjects. If an arrangement of the items that

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represent the DSF is to be made according to the gradual rise in CD, the following sequence is realised, see [37a].

[37a] Set - Pr - Ph Theme Transition Rheme

Chamonikolasova (2007: 29) reminds that even though the DSFs are ordered according to the degrees of CD, their arrangement is rather interpretative, or, as Adam (2009: 33) puts it, organized according to the degree of CD irrespective of the position they occupy in a sentence. The actual linear arrangement in a sentence may or may not coincide with the interpretative one, compare organization of sentence elements in examples [37b] and [37c] below that were adapted from Adam (2009: 33).

[37b] A funny guy | flew | into the classroom. ~ real sequence Ph Pr Set

[37c] into the classroom | flew | A funny guy ~ rising CD Set Pr Ph

Information on the Presentational Scale was offered in this subsection. It was identified as a scale where a phenomenon is presented, where a possible additional setting defines a certain spacial or temporal localisation. The next scale to be further presented is the Quality Scale.

5.3.3.2. Quality Scale

The second scale Firbas (1992: 66) introduces in his theory is the Quality Scale. As has been already stated, the Quality Scale is characterized as being perspectived towards the quality assigned to the phenomenon by the verb or beyond this ascribed quality, i.e. towards its specification. Again, according to