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Prague University of Economics and Business Faculty of International Relations

Master´s thesis

Russia as the master shaper of the Arctic

Author: Bc. Jana Volšanská Academic year: 2020/21

Thesis supervisor: Mgr. Miloslav Machoň, Ph.D.

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AUTHOR’S DECLARATION

Herewith I declare that I have written the Master’s Thesis on my own and I have cited all sources.

Prague, 30^th April Sign...

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I would like to express my deep gratitude to my thesis supervisor Mgr. Miloslav Machoň, Ph.D., for his advice and guidance during the processing of the thesis. Morever, my thanks belong to Jakub Heřmánek and Bc. Barbora Šolcová for their countless support and consultation during the master´s thesis seminar.

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Abbreviations

AC Arctic Council

AZRF Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation

Basic Principles 2020 Basic Principles of Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic up to 2020

Basic Principles 2035 Basic Principles of Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic up to 2035

Development strategy of the AZRF 2013 Strategy for the Development of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation

EEZ Exclusive economic zone

IAF International Arctic Forum

RF Russian Federation

UN United Nations

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Introduction

Through time the form of states has changed. The pre-modern states were the absolutist ones from the sixteenth century until the nineteenth century, which was given primarily by authors of Hobbes, Machiavelli, and Dante.¹ Machiavelli made a difference with his work The Prince, where the state represents the prince and the area, the political regime with its institutions.² Dante also described the state as a monopoly with a possibility of the legitimate use of power and violence. Nonetheless, he highlighted the importance of a state as a part of the government, which is crucial to maintain.³⁴ Lastly, Hobbes saw the importance of the separation of the state and the power of a ruler. Besides, citizens are supposed to be subject to the state instead of a ruler.

However, only since the seventeenth century has been the term state conceptualized and widely used.⁵⁶ The currently dominated state’s form is the modern state, the Weberian one. Weber defined the state as like no one else before. Not only in terms of its functioning but also modus operandi. More specifically, the state was for him a monopoly with its rulemaking, bounded territory, and coercion or physical force.⁷ Yet, its successor, the neo-Weberin perspective, turned away from a society-centered approach. Instead, the neo-Weberin perspective leaned to

1 MORTON, Adam D., 2005. The Age of Absolutism: capitalism, the modern states-system and international relations. Review of International Studies [online]. 2005/06/13 vyd. 31(3), 495–517. ISSN 0260-2105.

https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210505006601

2 MACHIAVELLI, Niccolò, 1469-1527. (1981). The prince. Harmondsworth, Eng. ; New York, N.Y.

3 HAY, Colin, Michael LISTER a David MARSH, 2006. The state : theories and issues. Palgrave Macmillan.

Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-80227-8.

4 BALL, Terence., James FARR, Russell L. HANSON a Quentin SKINNER, 1989. Political innovation and conceptual change. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-35978-3.

5 Ibid.

6 VIROLI, Maurizio, 1992. From Politics to Reason of State: The Acquisition and Transformation of the Language of Politics 1250–1600 [online]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ideas in Context. ISBN 978-0-521- 41493-7. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511521485

7 Weber, Max, Guenther Roth, and Claus Wittich. 1978. Economy and society: an outline of interpretive sociology.

Berkeley: University of California Press.

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a more state-centered one, which has dominated the form of state until the 1970s. Then, there was the rise of feminists, regionalism, and the globalised approach.⁸

The terms nation and nation-state refill the concept of the modern state. Koslowski claims that people with their histories, languages, narratives, and identities represent the nations. However, a nation could exist without the state and state without the nations. Yet, if the conditions are all met, it is talked about a nation within the state. Thus in different words, the nation-state.⁹ As the concept of a modern state was rising, international relations started to focus on the importance of politics a foreign policy. Interconnections with the national interests and national values generate a prominent foreign policy position. The decision-makers within the foreign policies are states. However, primarily individual actors and decision-making are influenced by the nation-state’s history, narratives, culture, and national identity.¹⁰

The thesis aims to evaluate the position of the Russian Federation in the Arctic region.

Furthermore, the thesis hypothesizes that the Russian Federation's power capacities and foreign policy shape the Arctic Zone. The evaluation of the hypothesis is subsequently divided into two-part. First, the thesis will analyse Russian shaperism from the power capacities perspective, whereas the second one will be analysing Russian´s ability to project these nationalist narratives into Arctic Russian strategies.

For the purpose of the thesis, the qualitative analysis¹¹ will be conducted by focusing on Russian actorship, its power presence in the Arctic, and Arctic policy to confirm the hypothesis. The supporting research question is how the age-old narratives from the Soviet era have an impact on the current Russian Arctic foreign policy.

8 HAY, Colin, Michael LISTER a David MARSH, 2006. The state : theories and issues. Palgrave Macmillan.

Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-80227-8.

9 KOSLOWSKI, Rey, 2001. Personal Security and State Sovereignty in a Uniting Europe, in V. Guiraudon and C.

Joppke (eds.), Controlling a New Migration World. London: Routledge.

10 HUDSON, Valerie M., 2007. Foreign Policy Analysis: Classic and Contemporary Theory [online]. Rowman &

Littlefield Pub. ISBN 978-0-7425-1689-2.

11 SCHREIER, Margrit, 2019. Content Analysis, Qualitative. In P. Atkinson, S. Delamont, A. Cernat, J.W.

Sakshaug, & R.A. Williams (Eds.), SAGE Research Methods Foundations.

https://doi.org/10.4135/9781526421036753373

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The analysis is based on the qualitative content analysis, with a deductive approach.¹² To confirm the hypothesis and answer the research question, it is necessary to determine its coding units¹³ to ensure the appropriate categorisation. In this case, the coding unit is the definition of shaper in international relations and foreign policy¹⁴ along with the narratives¹⁵. Due to determined coding units, categorisations to the state actors and power divided into hard power¹⁶ and soft power¹⁷ are feasible.

The theoretical part divides into two chapters. The first chapter will lead to a complex definition of shaper within international relations with understanding the concepts of the state actors and state´s hard and soft power, which are crucial for the shaperism phenomenon. The primary sources for this part comprise books or articles by Barry Buzan and William Hitchcock.

The second chapter defines the foreign policy all together with nationalism and, lastly, the theory of the narratives. Within this chapter were the essential sources books by Geir Hønneland, Barbara Czarniawska, Joseph S. Nye, Kari Holley, and Julia Colyar. Whereas the first chapter will provide the foundations to confirm the hypothesis, the second one will be to a greater extent required to answer the supporting question.

The empirical part will be mirroring the theoretical part with the application of the Russian Federation as the Arctic state. Firstly, the Arctic region and Russian Federation as the Arctic state will be briefly introduced in the third chapter. Its subchapter will be analysing the Russian hard power and soft power expended in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation. It will provide the complex conception of Russian militarily and economically local presence and partly the solution to the thesis´s hypothesis. The empirical part proceeds primarily from the

12 SCHREIER, Margrit, 2019. Content Analysis, Qualitative. In P. Atkinson, S. Delamont, A. Cernat, J.W.

Sakshaug, & R.A. Williams (Eds.), SAGE Research Methods Foundations.

https://doi.org/10.4135/9781526421036753373

13 SALDAÑA, Johnny, 2009. The coding manual for qualitative researchers. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications Ltd. The coding manual for qualitative researchers. ISBN 978-1-84787-549-5.

14 SUBOTIĆ, Jelena, 2016. Narrative, Ontological Security, and Foreign Policy Change 1. Foreign Policy Analysis [online]. 12(4), 610–627. ISSN 1743-8586. https://doi.org/10.1111/fpa.12089

15 CZARNIAWSKA, Barbara, 2021. Narratives in Social Science Research [online].

https://doi.org/10.4135/9781849209502

16 WILSON, Ernest J., 2008. Hard Power, Soft Power, Smart Power. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science [online]. 616(1), 110–124. ISSN 0002-7162.

17 NYE, Joseph S., 2021. Soft power: the evolution of a concept. Journal of Political Power [online]. 14(1), 196–

208. ISSN 2158-379X. https://doi.org/10.1080/2158379X.2021.1879572

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books and articles by Alexander Sergunin, Valery Konyshev, and Marlene Laruelle with support of the official Russian Federation and Arctic Council web pages, documents, and articles.

Lastly, the follow-up chapter will be dealing with the Russian foreign policy concerning the Arctic region. At first, the Russian Arctic policy will be analysed through the chosen official Arctic strategies and subsequently identify their goals. The subchapter concerning the Soviet Arctic will be interpreted by analysing the Soviet song March of the Happy-Go-Lucky Guys, folktale Tale of the Pole, and poem Arctic Illness. The first two given narratives were chosen because of its Soviet Union´s Arctic origin and the association with the then Arctic. These narratives were provided by the collection of narratives made by James Von Geldern and Richard Stites. The Poem Arctic Illness differs in comparison to those two. However, it is an essential factor because of its connection to Russian national identity and perception. The narratives will be afterward identified by their basic elements and simultaneously implemented on chosen Arctic strategies.

The limitations of the work are a lesser sample of narratives because of the scope of the thesis and a limited number of available Soviet and Russian poems, stories, legends, etc., translated in English.

The author chose this topic because of the rising importance of the Arctic in the international community and possible future developments either in cooperation or conflict. And more importantly, the author was drawn into the (Russian) Arctic topic due to the opportunity to interact and attend courses of excellent lecturers, Eeva Kuikka from the Tampere University and Amanda Graham from the University of the Arctic.

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1 State actors in international relations

Actors in international relations are defined as subjects that influence and form international relations and as primary agents and instigators of international politics. Moreover, it is possible to differentiate between a state actor or a non-state actor. The liberalists considered among the important actors, besides the state, even non-state ones such as international organizations, non- governmental organizations, transnational corporations, international organized crime groups et al. For the purpose of the thesis, it is essential to explain a state-centric perspective which comes from the (neo)realism theory. It considers the state the most pivotal player with specifically defined national interests and foreign policy by which they try to achieve their national or power goals.¹⁸

There are five basic features of the nation-state. Firstly, the state is sovereign. He exercises absolute and unlimited power because the state stands above all other associations and groups in society. Secondly, state institutions are public, in contrast to private civil society institutions.

Public authorities are responsible for taking and enforcing collective decisions, while private services exist to meet individuals’ interests. Thirdly, the state has legitimacy in its hands.

Fourthly, the state is a tool of control. Coercion supports state´s authority. That means that the state ensures compliance with its laws and punishes those who act contrary to them. The monopoly of “legitimate coercion” is, therefore, a practical manifestation of state sovereignty.

Lastly, that the state is a territorial organization. The jurisdiction of a state is geographically defined and applies to all who live within state borders, whether or not they are citizens of that state. Therefore, in the international arena, the state is considered an autonomous unit.¹⁹²⁰ A state is a unit with a defined territory, population, and state power (functional government), which other international actors mutually recognise. According to Smolík, the state has two

18 HOBSON, John M., 2000. The State and International Relations [online]. Cambridge University Press. Themes in International Relations. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511612442

19 KREJČÍ, Oskar. Mezinárodní politika. Praha: Victoria Publishing, 1997. ISBN 80-7187-034-X.

20 TAYLOR, Phillip, 2019. Nonstate Actors in International Politics: From Transregional to Substate Organizations [online]. ISBN 978-0-429-04902-6. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429049026

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functions: the inner (juridical, security, economic, social, and cultural) and the outer one (organizing relations with other states and regulating foreign trade).²¹

In this case, essential actors within Russia due to the Arctic are the Russian Federation’s ministries. Firstly, the Ministry of Natural Resources and the Environment of the Russian Federation, which includes the environmental protection of the Arctic, natural resources management, and international and legal issues related to the continental shelf.²² Secondly, other actors concerning the Arctic are the Ministry of Economic Development and Ministry of Energy of the Russian Federation. These are primarily interested in the Arctic region because of the Northern Sea Route’s expanding economic power and enormous strategic resources situated in the Arctic.²³ Thirdly, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, which publishes the Russian Federation’s foreign policies officially. Fourthly, the latest established Ministry for the Development of the Russian Far East and the Arctic is responsible for economic and social development in the Russian Far East and the Russian Arctic areas. This Ministry is in charge of Russia’s offensive Arctic policy and has authored its new Arctic Strategy - Strategy for Developing the Russian Arctic Zone and Ensuring National Security through 2035. It is believed that the Ministry will play a key role in Russia’s upcoming Chairmanship period of the Arctic Council. Their already second Chairmanship falls into years 2021 - 2023. It is believed that Russia plans to focus on economic, social, and environmentally sustainable development in the Arctic region.²⁴

21 SCHECHTER, Michael G., 1985. Nonstate Actors in International Politics: From Transregional to Substate Organizations. Westview Press, 1984. Pp. xvii 247. American Political Science Review [online]. 79(4), 1256–

1257. https://doi.org/10.2307/1956341

22 STAALESEN, Atle, 2018. Russia’s new natural resource minister opens an Arctic office. ArcticToday [online]

https://www.arctictoday.com/russias-new-natural-resource-minister-opens-arctic-office/

23 Ministry of Economic Development may manage Northern Sea Route. TASS [online]

https://tass.com/economy/940486

24 The Russian Federation. Arctic Council [online] https://arctic-council.org/en/about/states/russian-federation/

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1.1 Presumptive power of a state

Although it is possible to talk about other actor’s positions in world politics, the state’s capacity to promote the chosen goals remains unrivaled in the world political system. Power and strength give the state a unique position on the international stage. Therefore, the state’s functional and organizational characteristics also make other actors in world politics dependent on the state.

In its development, it is primarily the state that produces a set of rules and patterns of behaviour that have a decisive influence on the functioning of the system and the behaviour of other actors.

The power potential of the state determines its exceptional and decisive position among the actors of world politics. Even the position of a particular state in the world’s structure depends on its power potential. Political power is seen as an opportunity to achieve the balance and harmony in individuals’ and groups’ political-practical activities. And so forth is possible to ensure peoples’ and group’s required behavior.²⁵ State’s capacity determines primarily the option’s scope, which affects the position in the system. The power potential of a state is its capacity and the real or potential result of a confrontation with the capacities of other states.

Nevertheless, legal norms or such components of political culture as morality, traditions, and stereotypes, social factors can also serve as a limit of power and strength, but also public opinion. These factors can increase or decrease the quality of decision-making by holders of power and, after all, the willingness and ability to use force.²⁶

However, when evaluating the power potential, it is necessary to clarify the absolute state power. The absolute power can be afterward divided into material (geographical location, natural resources, population) and absolute spiritual power (level of foreign policy, which sets a national interest, national strategy, diplomacy).²⁷ An important specification for this topic is the role of the territory. Defining the state’s position today does not take the form of the size of the state, but the will to define its interests in various regions and within reach of actual

25 THOMSON, Janice E., 1995. State Sovereignty in International Relations: Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Empirical Research. International Studies Quarterly [online]. 39(2), 213–233. ISSN 0020-8833.

https://doi.org/10.2307/2600847

27 Ibid.

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influence on decision-making and behaviour in these regions and maintaining an appropriately chosen level of control.²⁸

The state’s power in international relations is described as one actor’s ability to force another actor to perform an activity that he would not usually be willing to do. Hard power and soft power divides into the phenomenon of power. The content of hard power consists primarily of economic and military power. In contrast, soft power consists of culture, ideas, and foreign policy.

As Joseph Nye says, power is like the weather. Everyone depends on it and talks about it, but few understand it.²⁹ Power influences everything in the international community, from basic relations to the international system and world politics.³⁰ In international relations it means making someone do something that you want them to do.³¹ Joseph Nye coined the concept of soft power within international relations to its opposite hard power concept. As designation follows, hard power is considered as a more aggressive way to treat and interact with other actors by identifying ourselves and our national interests and goals.³² Usually, hard power is composed of economic (coercive) and military capability, which can be used in military intervention, economic sanctions, and coercive diplomacy. Currently, it is used by actors who purposely violate international law or threaten common security.³³

On the other hand, the soft power presents a more acceptable way by voluntarily creating an attraction based on the specific international image and prestige of a particular country, nation, and others. Influence is a part of the soft power that makes it possible to regulate other political entities’ behavior without force. Nye “defined it as the ability to get what one wants through

29 NYE, Joseph S., 2021. Soft power: the evolution of a concept. Journal of Political Power [online]. 14(1), 196–

208. ISSN 2158-379X. https://doi.org/10.1080/2158379X.2021.1879572

30 OHNESORGE, Hendrik, 2019. Soft Power: The Forces of Attraction in International Relations [online].

ISBN 978-3-030-29921-7. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29922-4

31 Ibid.

32 WAGNER, Christian, 2005. From Hard Power to Soft Power? Ideas, Interaction, Institutions, and Images in India’s South Asia Policy. No. 26, March 2005; Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics, ISSN:

1617-5069.

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persuasion or attraction rather than coercion.”³⁴ It could be done by appropriate diplomacy, economic, cultural, political values, policies,³⁵ and related instruments by which a country is promoted.³⁶ Moreover, Nye adds that “winning hearts and minds has always been important, but it is even more so in a global information age,”³⁷ which is seen as a powerful soft power tool.

Besides others, smart power is seen as a combination of both. Thus the subject can more effectively achieve its goals.³⁸ As Gallarotti says, only the optimal combination of soft power and hard power can allow the leaders to maximise their impact and importance in the world.³⁹ The amount of power the particular state has, distinguishes, besides others, between the superpower, great power, or regional power. The state needs to be accepted as a superpower by other international community actors to receive the superpower title. The superpower must have first-class military-political capabilities and a prime economy. Mainly, a state must be capable of global military and political reach. For a state or designated limited territory to be called a great power, it must meet several aspects, which Hurrel best explains. According to him, a great power can be a state that has the ability to actively participate in the creation of an international order, opinions, and decisions and to act in line with them. Besides, it also has excessive economic and military power. The necessary condition is also that this country must be accepted

https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716207312618

35 NYE JR., JOSEPH S., 2009. Smart Power. New Perspectives Quarterly [online]. 26(2), 7–9. ISSN 0893-7850.

https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2009.01057.x

36 SERGUNIN, Alexander a Valery KONYSHEV, 2014. Russia in search of its Arctic strategy: between hard and soft power? The Polar Journal [online]. 4(1), 69–87. ISSN 2154-896X.

https://doi.org/10.1080/2154896X.2014.913930

37 NYE, Joseph S., 1990. Soft Power. Foreign Policy [online]. (80), 153–171. ISSN 00157228.

https://doi.org/10.2307/1148580

https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716207312618

39 GALLAROTTI, Giulio M., 2015. Smart Power: Definitions, Importance, and Effectiveness. Journal of Strategic Studies [online]. 38(3), 245–281. ISSN 0140-2390. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2014.1002912

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as a great power both outside and within its region.⁴⁰ Buzan said that whereas the great power works at the global level, the regional power only works in his specific region, which is most likely his own as well. The state becomes a regional power, whether it also meets four preconditions.⁴¹ The state must be part of a geographically clearly definable region. Then it supposes to strive for a dominant role in this region and have the necessary preconditions for material and ideological dominance in the region. Lastly, the state has to possess an apparent influence in regional international relations.⁴²

40 HURRELL, Andrew, 2006. Hegemony, Liberalism and Global Order: What Space for Would-Be Great Powers?

International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-). 82(1), 1–19. ISSN 00205850, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2006.00512.x

41 BUZAN, Barry and Ole WÆVER, 2003. Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security [online].

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cambridge Studies in International Relations.

https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511491252

42 HURRELL, Andrew, 2006. Hegemony, Liberalism and Global Order: What Space for Would-Be Great Powers?

International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-). 82(1), 1–19. ISSN 00205850, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2006.00512.x

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1.2 State as a shaper in international relations

So far, the complex definition of the shaper within international relations does not exist.

However, it is possible to create a definition from different fields for this thesis purpose.

A vital attribute of the so-called shaper is the (limited) possibility to shape a specific region in the world, such as in this thesis, the Arctic.⁴³ In these shaped regions, shapers tend to shape and form them based on their own rules, motives, and incentives. It goes hand in hand with so- called moderation. “Moderation enforces platform policies regarding what is permissible. The process is made up of many elements, including the policies, affordances, algorithms, content they want removed, and moderators making decisions about what stays and what goes.”⁴⁴ Shapers use their power and politics to “reinforces their own status”⁴⁵ and simultaneously are decisive actors.

Moreover, shapers, such as politically independent entities, possess significant influence on politics, security issues, and economic development. Being a shaper is always a game, and the only key variable is the distribution of capabilities.⁴⁶ Within the security, the field is the

“shaperism” related to securitization. Shapers possess enough security power to securitize within the political system.⁴⁷ It is needed to have an actor in securitization who determines that a specific object or area is seriously and critically threatened. “Then, that actor demands the right to take extraordinary countermeasures to deal with that threat. Lastly, it convinces an audience that rule-breaking behavior to counter the threat is justified.”⁴⁸ Securitization is fulfilled by breaking the rules or existential threats. As mentioned, the shapers act mainly and

43 SOLEY, Lawrence C, 1992. The news shapers : the sources who explain the news. New York: Praeger.

ISBN 0275940330.

44 TIIDENBERG, Katrin a Emily VAN DER NAGEL, 2020. Social Media Platforms as the Shapers of Sex. In:

Sex and Social Media [online]. Emerald Publishing Limited, s. 51–78. ISBN 978-1-83909-406-4.

https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-83909-406-420201010

45 SOLEY, Lawrence C, 1992. The news shapers : the sources who explain the news. New York: Praeger. ISBN 0275940330.

46 BUZAN, Barry, 2004. The United States and the Great Powers : world politics in the twenty-first century.

Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 0-7456-3374-9

47 Ibid.

48 KILROY, Richard J., 2018. Securitization. In: Anthony J. MASYS, ed. Handbook of Security Science [online].

Cham: Springer International Publishing, s. 1–19. ISBN 978-3-319-51761-2. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319- 51761-2_11-1

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most effective in a specifically designated area. Thus the closer the area, the stronger security interaction. That impacts the most the environmental, political, military and societal spheres.⁴⁹

These actors have their capacities to shape the economic, sociological, environmental, and military forces. So it can be said that shapers possess an economic power within the economic field, which could then be used as a shaping tool. Economic capacities may be the size and quality of the gross domestic product (GDP), per capita income, the level of technology, natural and human resources, political and legal institutions for markets, and a variety of shaped resources for particular domains, such as trade, finance, and competition. However, this economic power may attract as much as a scare in the hands of shapers.⁵⁰ Generally, power directs attention to how individual states can be controlled internally and pursue their competitive interests within the state system. Shapers seek to guide these states to play the game of international relations in such a way as to maximise their advantage.⁵¹ Thus, shapers use their political and economic power to retain their positions at the top of the specific areas’ political and economic hierarchies.

According to Hitchcock, in a current world, which can be labeled as “multipolar or independent, these states will have a decisive influence on their geopolitical

“neighbourhoods” and on international relations over the world. Thus, they can be rightfully called shapers since they shape current and possibly even the future world order. Besides, these states are able to shape the outcomes related to their region⁵²and in the extremity to contest regional dominance “because of their geopolitical prowess”⁵³ Hitchcock also claims that shapers have own national strategy to achieve their regional or international goals. Developing a strategy to achieve national ends requires thoughtful consideration of all aspects of national

49 BUZAN, Barry, 2004. The United States and the Great Powers : world politics in the twenty-first century.

Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 0-7456-3374-9

50 CARMINATI, Daniele, 2021. The economics of soft power: reliance on economic resources and instrumentality in economic gains. Economic and Political Studies [online]. 1–24. ISSN 2095-4816.

https://doi.org/.1080/20954816.2020.1865620

51 BUZAN, Barry, 1984. Peace, Power, and Security: Contending Concepts in the Study of International Relations.

Journal of Peace Research [online]. 21(2), 109–125. https://doi.org/10.1177/002234338402100203

52 HITCHCOCK, William I., Melvyn P. LEFFLER a Jeffrey W. LEGRO, 2016. Shaper Nations: Strategies for a Changing World [online]. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-66021-2.

53 Ibid.

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power, from military capabilities to economic potential, diplomatic influence, and considerations of ideology and domestic politics, as well as strong national leadership. A tool of the national strategy is, besides others, the foreign policy. These attributes from absolute spiritual power, foreign policy, and diplomacy are essential tools. With wise FP and well-played diplomacy, nations could achieve their national interests thanks to the allies’ support of cooperation.⁵⁴

54 HITCHCOCK, William I., Melvyn P. LEFFLER a Jeffrey W. LEGRO, 2016. Shaper Nations: Strategies for a Changing World [online]. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-66021-2.

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2 State´s foreign policy within the narratives

Foreign policy is a tool used by international actors such as states, persons, institutions to interact with one another on a global and domestic level. However, primarily foreign policies show an actor’s national interest.⁵⁵

Furthermore, identity and narratives play an important role here as well as in nationalism.

Hønneland sees identity as an essential factor because of its great interweaving with foreign policy, and comprehensively in policy making. These are the state identities adding up identities as a community, nation, and citizens as a whole.⁵⁶ On the contrary, the state does not have a stable and unchangeable identity and it is still in the process of evolving.⁵⁷

Regarding the narratives, Subotić shows that they are, in fact, crucial for politics. Moreover, the “foreign policy is viewed as the result of state interest determined by narratively constructed identities, national power in conjunction with state identity and interest, or by the protection of identity alone.”⁵⁸ Narratives are seen recently as a political or foreign policies resource and are being manipulated by politicians to acquire more supporters of the particular (foreign) policy.⁵⁹ And these politicians “seize on collectively remembered history to make specific political points of the present.”⁶⁰

Furthermore, identity and narratives play an important role in nationalism as well as in foreign policy. Nationalism is a political and ideological movement,⁶¹ which promotes a particular ideology and political aspiration of a nation. “And additionally, past should be its inspiration

55 ALDEN, Chris a Amnon ARAN, 2017. Foreign policy analysis: New approaches. Second edition. ISBN 978- 1-315-44248-8.

56 HØNNELAND, Geir, 2020. Russia and The Arctic: Environment, Identity and Foreign Policy. ISBN 978-1- 83860-123-2.

57 CAMPBELL, D., 1992. Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity [online]. U of Minnesota Press. ISBN 978-1-4529-0345-3.

58 HØNNELAND, Geir, 2020. Russia and The Arctic: Environment, Identity and Foreign Policy. ISBN 978-1- 83860-123-2.

59 HART, Janet, 1992. Cracking the Code: Narrative and Political Mobilization in the Greek Resistance. Social Science History [online]. 16(4), 631–668. ISSN 01455532, 15278034. https://doi.org/10.2307/1171315

60 SUBOTIĆ, Jelena, 2016. Narrative, Ontological Security, and Foreign Policy Change 1. Foreign Policy Analysis [online]. 12(4), 610–627. ISSN 1743-8586. https://doi.org/10.1111/fpa.12089

61 KRAMER, Lloyd, 1997. Historical Narratives and the Meaning of Nationalism. Journal of the History of Ideas [online]. 58(3), 525–545. ISSN 00225037, 10863222. https://doi.org/10.2307/3653913

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for nationalism and the future its aim.”⁶² The nation is known for overarching the collective identity, which connects more the community.⁶³

In addition, nationalism is promoted, constructed, or even consists of a national narrative, which requires language, history, literature, and forms a phenomenon called national identity.⁶⁴ Moreover, Kramer also adds that one crucial attribute is having an interpreter maintain and keeping alive the narratives among the citizens of a particular nation.⁶⁵ That means that there is a relationship and interrelation between narratives and nationalism. Within nationalism are used narratives as sequences of events and actions to reach some pre-determined target.⁶⁶

Moreover, state identity is included in both aspects, in nationalism, such as in narratives. More precisely, national identity is represented by symbols, collective emotions, myths, stories, and history. All is compost of narratives and nationalism, which is further used and expressed publicly.⁶⁷ Lastly, the interconnection of narratives and nationalism enables understanding current actions and acts of a particular nation.⁶⁸

62 HARRIS, Erika, 2002. Nationalism and Democratisation: Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia (1st ed.). Routledge.

https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315189727

63 HARRIS, Erika, 2009. Nationalism [online]. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-1559-9.

https://doi.org/10.3366/j.ctvxcrmpj

64 KRAMER, Lloyd, 1997. Historical Narratives and the Meaning of Nationalism. Journal of the History of Ideas [online]. 58(3), 525–545. ISSN 00225037, 10863222. https://doi.org/10.2307/3653913

65 Ibid.

66 HOGAN, P.C., 2009. Understanding Nationalism: On Narrative, Cognitive Science, and Identity [online]. Ohio State University Press. Theory and interpretation of narrative series. ISBN 978-0-8142-1107-6.

67 KANE, A. (2000). Narratives of Nationalism: Constructing Irish National Identity during the Land War, 1879–

82. National Identities, 2(3), 245–264. https://doi.org/10.1080/713687701

68 Ibid.

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2.1 Narratives

Narratives are strongly connected to the foreign policy and nationalism. And in some cases narratives can play a crucial role in achieving the national interest. Within the phenomenon called the narratives, it exists plenty of similar but still slightly different definitions.

Czarniawska sees a “narrative as a spoken or written text giving an account of an event/action or series of events/actions, chronologically connected. “Nonetheless, narratives are affected by our past and influence our future point of view and expectations.”⁶⁹A narrative can be present in many types of genres. They could be divided into forms such as a poem, fairy-tale, myth, legend, epic, history, tragedy, romance, drama, comedy, painting and more others.⁷⁰ Further, Barthes and Duisit add that “a narrative is international, transhistorical, transcultural and present in every age, in every place, in every society.”⁷¹ In other words, as long as there is life, there are narratives and no matter if they are a bad or good one.⁷²

Moreover, just through the narratives, people come to know, understand, make sense of the world, and even constitute their (social) identities.⁷³ According to these definitions, it is clear to say that even just a nation is about himself a narration.⁷⁴ The narrative’s aim is to be told by people and afterward passed on to the others. Pursuant to Hønneland, narratives represent to people and to the outside world who they are.⁷⁵ They give this expression to the outside world about who people are, but they also make people who they are.⁷⁶ Narratives are divided into four dimensions. These are ontological, public, conceptual, and meta-narratives dimensions.

The conceptual dimension is essential for the thesis.The core of conceptual narratives consists of historical and social construction. On top of that, narratives also partly create the identity

69 CARR, David, 1986. Time, Narrative, and History. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-20603-9.

70 Barthes, Roland, and Lionel Duisit. An Introduction to the Structural Analysis of Narrative. New Literary History 6, no. 2 (1975): 237-72. https://doi.org/10.2307/468419.

71 Ibid.

72 Ibid.

73 Ibid.

74 BHABHA, Homi K., 1990. Nation and Narration. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-01483-0.

https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203823064

75 HØNNELAND, Geir, 2013. Borderland Russians: Identity, Narrative and International Relations. 2nd edition.

Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN 978-1-137-29731-0.

https://doi.org/10.4135/9781849209502

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and have social and symbolic power. It is through narrativity that we come to know, understand, and make sense of the social world. Besides, it is through narratives and narrativity that we constitute our social identities as Czarniawska extends.⁷⁷

It may be generalised that stories, poems, myths, legends, and others, which were mentioned above, have a power owing to the narratives. Their power resides in giving people memorable and reasonable explanations or convincing interpretations concerning, for instance, political matters and issues. Not only the narrative works for an individual but also to a greater extent for the communities. Hønneland claims that a community’s concept lies in existing “a narrative account of we, which has continuous existence over time.”⁷⁸ It is essential to mention that narratives are not comprised only of identity but also action.⁷⁹

In the first place, the narratives will be analysed through its basic three elements: the plot, the point of view, and the character. A plot, in general, shows the intention of a narrative. It may also shape a story and what the author conveys with the meaning or specific direction to readers.

Plot serves such as a DNA of a narrative.⁸⁰ It expresses the story’s logic,” and categorizes the sequence of events that give meaning to the reader.”⁸¹ An essential word in the narrative environment is an emplotment, which means turning a sequence of events into a plot. In other words, the emplotment means how things are connected, a structure that makes sense of the events, or a critical “mechanism that imbues a set of events with ideological and moral valence by appealing to preexisting plot types."“Usually, plots are much more complicated and contain chains of actions and events, oscillating states of affairs, apparent actions, and wrongly interpreted events, as in suspense or mystery.”⁸² Besides, another aim is to associate the characters to an environment, determinate the characters to the specific roles of villain, hero,

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78 HØNNELAND, Geir, 2020. Bibliography. In: Russia and The Arctic : Environment, Identity and Foreign Policy [online]. 2. edit.London: I.B. Tauris, ISBN 978-1-83860-126-3.

79 Ibid.

80 HOLLEY, Karri a Julia COLYAR, 2012. Under Construction: How Narrative Elements Shape Qualitative Research. Theory Into Practice [online]. 51(2), 114–121. ISSN 0040-5841.

https://doi.org/10.1080/00405841.2012.662866

81 Ibid.

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victims. Thus, in some cases, assigning blame and giving solutions, for example, in the form of moral of the story.⁸³ Among the plots exist various plot types. With a different story comes different genre, such as comedy, tragedy, romance,⁸⁴ overcoming the monster (hero fighting against villain), the quest (hero leaving his home to find a particular place, person), etc.⁸⁵ Also, these plot types can contain a social ramification and association. For instance, plot may contain ideological message and interpret particural patterns of thinking to readers⁸⁶ and simultaneously uphold their expectations, such as the within the social issues.⁸⁷

Another element of a narrative is the point of view. This one shows the author’s view of reality.

Thus the development of the plot of the story unconditionally influences the audience. The primary purpose of the point of view element is to reflect the author’s relationship to the story and his choice of how to present given events, characters, or even situations, which has an impact on the plot development. In addition, the author plays an active role in determining the relevant points of view to a particular story, and the perspective from which the story should be told. It means if it is told from the third or first-person point of view. More precisely, the more preferred, third-person point of view is assumed to provide more accurate findings. On the other hand, the first-person perspective is more about the involvement of readers.⁸⁸

Third, in succession, the character may be depicted by a human or non-human figure, which are the results of the actions. That means that the characters will be tragic if the story will turn out as a tragedy. As Czarniawska mentions, “the plot that is a central feature of a narrative and

83 SHANAHAN, Elizabeth A., Michael D. JONES a Mark K. MCBETH, 2011. Policy Narratives and Policy Processes. Policy Studies Journal [online]. 39(3), 535–561. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2011.00420.x

84 SHENHAV, Shaul, 2015. Analyzing Social Narratives [online]. ISBN 978-0-415-53740-7.

https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203109083

85 KUKKONEN, Karin, 2014. “Plot.” In The Living Handbook of Narratology, edited by Peter Hühn et al. ISSN 2190-3220

86 Ibid.

87 SHENHAV, Shaul, 2015. Analyzing Social Narratives [online]. ISBN 978-0-415-53740-7.

https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203109083

https://doi.org/10.1080/00405841.2012.662866

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it is a plot that will produce the characters.”⁸⁹ Thus the character element is strongly connected with both former concepts. These figures are part of the whole story and have to go through all the events included. Thus they are so-called means of enunciating the plot. Besides, within the characters, an author shows the point of view.⁹⁰ The narrative itself is vigorous, and for its power is the plot a more decisive element of the story than the possible truthfulness and the contrary.⁹¹

Another important function of characters is their power over the story and people’s hearts. It is about the representation of the characters, which may be heroes, victims, or villains. By all means, those characters have their deep-rooted cause and part. The villains are usually the ones who create problems and harm in any way the victim or even the hero. On the other hand, heroes are seen as fixers of these situations.⁹² Even though the scientific and technical information should be the most influencing source, Yet, characters with such an attribute have even stronger effects on opinion, preferences, and inclinations on citizens, elites, and even officials.⁹³

It seems to be most efficient to associate the aforementioned with a few different perspectives.

The most convenient is the attribution of motives (“seeking to influence events and achieve their purposes consciously or unconsciously”⁹⁴), attribution of agency (inanimate things act like living ones and influence other aspects of life⁹⁵), and the attribution concerning the way how

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https://doi.org/10.1080/00405841.2012.662866

91 JEROME, B. a J.S. BRUNER, 1990. Acts of Meaning: Four Lectures on Mind and Culture [online]. Harvard University Press. Jerusalem Lectures. ISBN 978-0-674-00361-3.

92 STONE, Deborah, 2012. Policy paradox : the art of political decision making / Deborah Stone. New York: W.W.

Norton & Co. ISBN 978-0-393-91272-2.

93 SHANAHAN, Elizabeth A., Michael D. JONES a Mark K. MCBETH, 2011. Policy Narratives and Policy Processes. Policy Studies Journal [online]. 39(3), 535–561. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2011.00420.x

94 GABRIEL, Yiannis, 2004. Narratives, Stories and Texts. [online]. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781848608122.n3

95 Ibid.

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the narrative is being communicated, presented and what ideological direction they have. These could be political, religious, cultural, or social directions.⁹⁶

The last component is an analysis through the strategic narratives. As it is obvious from the appellation, it works deeply with the strategy, more precisely with a political one. These strategic narratives should incorporate a character, environment, some conflict, action, tools, behavior, and lastly (suggested) resolution. ⁹⁷Miskimmon and O’Loughlin define it as “a means by which political actors attempt to construct a shared meaning of the past, present, and future of international politics to shape domestic and international actors’ behavior."“Strategic narratives in international affairs come in three interconnected forms. First, the international system’s narratives outline how the world is structured, who the main players are, and how the system should. Second, identity narratives shape perceptions of what is appropriate for a state to do in any given context. Finally, policy narratives outline how an actor views the appropriate response to address a political challenge or crisis and articulates a position based on material interest and/or, what is might be a normatively desirable outcome.”⁹⁸

The strategic narrative can also be used for explaining and understanding the form of the international system. Considering the position and actions of Russia, the strategic narrative is connected to them by the issue of recognition, which is a dynamic component of Russian foreign policy narratives.⁹⁹ In addition to the strategic narratives, the analysis will also examine the synergy between agency and narrative. More precisely, how Russian agencies or elites use chosen narratives for own political goals and influences.¹⁰⁰

96 Devereaux, C., & Griffin, M. (2013). Narrative, Identity, and the Map of Cultural Policy: Once Upon a Time in a Globalized World (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315597300

97 OHNESORGE, Hendrik, 2019. Soft Power: The Forces of Attraction in International Relations [online]. ISBN 978-3-030-29921-7. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29922-4

98 Ibid.

99 Ibid.

100 O’LOUGHLIN, Ben, Alister MISKIMMON a Laura ROSELLE, 2017. Forging the World: Strategic Narratives and International Relations [online]. ISBN 978-0-472-13021-4. https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.6504652

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3 Russia as the actor in the Arctic region

The requirements of being considered a state actor consist of meeting fundamental features. As for sovereignty, public institutions, private services, legitimacy, power control, a demarcated territory with its population, and state power. Even though Russia was naturally perceived as a state before the 20^th century as the Soviet Union, the RF is recognized in international law as a its successor.¹⁰¹ Modern Russia was established when Russians declared their sovereignty on June 12^th, 1990, and since then is considered a sovereign democratic state. With this step, Russia has also fulfilled other requirements and thus: having equal legal opportunities for all citizens, political parties, and public organizations, separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers, and specified territory contents all the regions and districts of the Russian republic.¹⁰² The state also has to be recognized by the rest of the international community, which Russia is, for example, by being a member of international organisations. Thus Russia is a member of many organizations such as the United Nations (UN), G20, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the International Investment Bank, and the World Trade Organization. Besides, they represent a leader of the Commonwealth of Independent States.¹⁰³ Within the international community, Russia “continues to implement the international commitments of the USSR.”¹⁰⁴ Such as meeting liabilities based on international treaties, membership in international organizations, and succeed the permanent seat in the UN Security Council.¹⁰⁵ The sphere of power and activities of Russia is vast.¹⁰⁶

Russia is still endowed with several distinguished powers, possibly due to the Soviet Union being once a superpower. By extension, these potential powers are more likely about economic,

101 Team of the Official Website of the President of Russia, nedatováno. Law on amendment to Russian Federation Constitution. President of Russia [online] Available at: http://en.kremlin.ru/acts/news/62988

102 Celebrating Russia’s Independence | Transnational Institute [online] Available at: https://www.tni.org/es/node/9490

103BOND, Ian, 2015. Russia in International Organizations: The Shift from Defence to Offence. [online]. ISBN 978-1-349-69160-9. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137468888_12

104 THE FOREIGN POLICY CONCEPT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION [online] Available at://fas.org/nuke/guide/russia/doctrine/econcept.htm

105 Ibid.

106 BOND, Ian, 2015. Russia in International Organizations: The Shift from Defence to Offence. [online]. ISBN 978-1-349-69160-9. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137468888_12

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political, and military power. For a reader, to get an idea, Russia’s economy ranks in 2019 as the eleventh-largest in the world by nominal GDP and the sixth-largest by PPP.¹⁰⁷ Russia’s mineral and energy resources belong to the world’s largest reserves and the world’s leading oil and natural gas producers.¹⁰⁸ No wonder that Russia has remained the world’s second most militarily powerful country.¹⁰⁹ Also, given the fact that the RF is one of the five states, who legally owns nuclear weapons.

Based on this sharp provided information, Russia is rightfully called a great power. Moreover, a regional power as well. With that, it features a significant amount of influence and power to form other actors’ acts, the international community, relations itself, and more importantly, even the behaviour of given people. In our case, the RF , the absolute power of the actor is about the territory, population, natural resources, and government of the RF.

The most involved actors in the Arctic region divide into three groups – the Arctic five, the Arctic eight, and non-arctic observers. The non-arctic observers are states, non-governmental, intergovernmental, and interparliamentary organisations who want to play a role in the Arctic region’s issues. To the non-arctic states belong, for instance, Germany, People’s Republic of China, Republic of Korea, Poland, and many others. The most known intergovernmental and interparliamentary organisations belong International Maritime Organization and United Nations Environment Programme. To get an idea, the University of the Arctic is one of the non- governmental organisations.¹¹⁰

The states known as the Arctic five are the littoral states. These are Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia, and the United States of America. By contrast, the Arctic eight is the five already mentioned, accompanied by Finland, Sweden, and Iceland. The Arctic eight states represent the international organization members named the Arctic Council, who will be paid the attention in the following chapters.¹¹¹

Notably, about half of the Arctic Circle is bordered by the Northern Russian coast, while the seven other members are adjoined to the remaining half. It is essential to mention that Russia is not the only state that shares a desire for that marine resources, natural resources, land, and

107 GDP (current US$) | World Bank national accounts data [online].

108 Russia - The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Ageny (CIA) [online]

109 Infographic: The World’s Most Powerful Militaries. Statista Infographics [online]

110 Observers. Arctic Council [online]

111 About the Arctic Council. Arctic Council [online]

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even dominance within the Arctic Circle.” Refinements have inflamed the scramble for claiming land in the Arctic Circle to international law as well as a view of profiting from the oil and gas reserves.”¹¹²

The Arctic Circle is the polar region located at latitude 66° 33’ 39” north of the Equator.

Furthermore, there are five different territory types within this circle: land, internal waters, territorial seas, exclusive economic zones (EEZs), and international waters. Internal waters are waters adjacent to lands, such as bays or rivers. Territorial seas are seas that extend for up to 12 nautical miles beyond land. EEZs are seas that extend 200 nautical miles (also known as a maritime border) from a land where a sovereign state can exercise exclusive rights to marine resources.¹¹³

International waters are seas subject to customary international law rather than sovereign jurisdiction. Arctic countries are so interested in the Arctic these days because of the constantly higher value of land, water, and natural resources. It makes the Arctic’s assets have economic or political nature. As it is now more apparent, according to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), no one can ever own the Arctic.¹¹⁴As the worldwide most extensive area, the RF amounts to 17 098 242 square kilometers (sqkm), which constituted 16 377 742 sqkm of land and 720 500 sqkm of water.¹¹⁵ As it can be seen from Figure 1, Russia’s territory expands to the Arctic circle greatly. More precisely, in the range of 24,140 kilometers of coastline along the Arctic Ocean and waters above the Arctic Circle. Moreover, this Russia’s coastline makes up 53 percent of the Arctic Ocean.¹¹⁶

112 Territorial Claims in the Arctic Circle: An Explainer. The Observer [online] Available at: https://theobserver- qiaa.org/territorial-claims-in-the-arctic-circle-an-explainer

113 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982. (Available at:

http://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/closindx.htm)

114 Ibid.

115 Russia - The World Factbook [online] Available at: ://www.cia.gov/the-world factbook/countries/russia/#geography

116 Territorial Claims in the Arctic Circle: An Explainer. The Observer [online] Available at: theobserver- qiaa.org/territorial-claims-in-the-arctic-circle-an-explainer

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Figure 1. Map of the Administrative Areas of the Arctic

Source: https://www.arcticcentre.org/EN/arcticregion/Maps/Administrative-areas

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3.1 Presumptive power of a Russia

The concept of absolute power is applied to the Russian Arctic. Russian Arctic absolute material power is predominantly a geographical location, territory, natural resources, and population. It shows that Russia in the arctic circle masters it largely among the other arctic countries. Not only Russia’s coastline stretches along 24 140 kilometers, which also makes up 53 percent of the whole coastline, but Russia also has the highest number of inhabitants within the Arctic territories. It counts up to 2 million inhabitants from a total of 144.3 million in Russia in comparison to the USA (731 000), Sweden (548 532), Norway (482667), Iceland (360 000), Finland (181 815), Canada (142 000) and Greenland (75 000)¹¹⁷ as it is portrayed in the Figure2.¹¹⁸

Figure 2. The share of inhabitants in the Arctic region

Source: Author,. Arctic States. Arctic Council [online]. https://arctic- council.org/en/about/states/

117 These numbers represent the overal number of inhabitants spread over the Arctic territories, not the numbers of indigenous people.

Hlavní práce73948_volj03.pdf, 1.1 MB Stáhnout

Table of contents

Introduction

1 State actors in international relations

1.1 Presumptive power of a state

1.2 State as a shaper in international relations

2 State´s foreign policy within the narratives

2.1 Narratives

3 Russia as the actor in the Arctic region

3.1 Presumptive power of a Russia